You may be surprised to be receiving more than one newsletter from me in the course of a month and that’s okay. Just breathe and we’ll get through this together as a family like we always do. I’m trying something new where I update with more frequency about what I’m doing, reading and thinking about and highlighting some news that reaches my inbox, particularly about housing, land and the like.
A few weeks ago I went to Interference Archive, which is an anarchist community space in Brooklyn that functions like a community archive. (I think? Surprisingly this was my first time visiting so correct me if I’m less than correct about that.) My friend Amanda invited me to a screening of two documentaries about the squatters movement in the Lower East Side in the 1970s-1990s.
During the 1970’s financial crisis in NYC, there was famously a glut of unoccupied, deteriorating buildings that landlords were leaving to decay or setting ablaze to collect the insurance. On the Lower East Side a bunch oforganizers, including young families, overtook unused buildings, did DIY rehabs to set up electricity, plumbing, sometimes building out walls and bathrooms, fixing roofs and leaks and replacing windows and then just kinda living in them, often for years.
The squats inevitably faced police raids throughout the Koch, Dinkins and Giuliani administrations, despite the buildings being unused. The occupants threw rent parties, mobilized residents against police raids and engaged in mutual aid while trying to maintain their precarious shelter. There were demands for the city to invest in the buildings, offer amnesty and ownership to people living in them. (Slightly surreal documentary footage that has periodically gone viral shows a child Rosario Dawson living in one of these squats on East 13th Street and speaking to a journalist as her parents look on.)
In 2002, the Bloomberg administration struck a deal with 11 of the squats to rehabilitate them into affordable housing, in many cases HDFC co-ops with some of the original residents still living there.
The Interference Archive show is called Through Padlocks, Behind Barricades, and consists mostly of photographs, zines and flyers detailing Glass House, a squat on the Lower East Side that was formerly an abandoned glass factory, as photographed by Margaret Morton, who documented unhoused people in NYC for decades. (You can buy a book of Morton’s photographs from Glass House, aptly titled Glass House, from the publisher.)
On December 2, as part of “Through Padlocks..” there was a screening of two documentaries about the LES squats, both relying heavily on archival footage. A 1978 doc by Marlis Momber called “Viva Loisaida!” and a 2025 documentary called “Survival Without Rent” by Katie Heiserman and Elana Meyers. The latter is named for a zine of the same name that the filmmakers found at Interference Archive, a DIY how-to manual for transforming an abandoned building into a squat. The documentaries, both around 20 minutes, look at squats on 13th Street and 11th Street that organized against a backdrop of skepticism or hostility from broadcast media. (Survival Without Rent features video of a newscaster looking into the camera and saying, “Squatters, who are they and what do they want?”)
Another documentary released in 2021, simply called “Squatters” and directed by Catalina Santamaría - which I saw when it screened in Jackson Heights at Terraza 7 - explores a Lower East Side squat called Umbrella House. That documentary uses footage shot by the house’s residents themselves, aspiring filmmakers who kept hours and hours of camcorder footage. Umbrella House is named for umbrellas that of various colors an artist stuck from the building’s windows durings its heyday in the 90’s. The building was among those transformed into co-ops in the early 2000’s, and many of the original squatters still live there and have cultivated a community garden on the building’s rooftop.
These documentaries are compelling most obviously because they contrast the rigidly policed and spatially inaccessible NYC of today with an unrecognizable NYC that existed not too long ago; one in many ways much worse economically, more dangerous, but where desperation and a real estate apocalypse had created a set of political possibilities seemingly long-since foreclosed, an alien landscape unconquered by realtors and developers. There are still squats scattered across the city - I have friends who live in or have lived in some - but generally they are not publicized for obvious reasons and are very small. The city is much more militarized than it was in the 1970s, and the NYPD now has (even more) tanks, robots, dogs, robot dogs, busses, bombs, tear gas, sonic weapons, cell phone readers, submachine guns, battering rams, drones and a plethora of other war machines they haven’t told us about because federal funding does not come with public disclosure requirements except in narrow cases. There are still derelict buildings around the city but because land values have exploded those buildings’ owners have a higher incentive to call the cops on trespassers. There are still vacant apartment units scattered around the city, although there is conjecture about how many and it’s likely a fraction of what was left unattended in the 1970s. Generally when I hear about squatting now it’s not a coalition of politicized people creating community-run housing on the margins, it’s a few people who are unsheltered and suffering from other crises trying to get in from the cold.
The most early organized squats in the Lower East Side in the 1970’s were coordinated by Puerto Rican gangs, but most of the documentaries emerging now involve footage from the 80’s and 90’s when the squats were more heterogeneous and drew in a range of artists and queer folks of different class and race backgrounds. The recent docs don’t really address any of the racial dynamics in the squats although “Squatters,” the Umbrella House doc, notes the tension over negotiations with the city over the squat’s formalization.
The 20th century squatter’s movements did transform the city in a few ways, mainly by creating more on-ramps to legitimacy for informal residents and community ownership. The city began a program where it gave out grants of up to $10,000 per unit to people rehabilitating vacant buildings and offered ownership to inhabitants for $250. A nonprofit grew out of the crisis called the Urban Homesteading Assistance Board that began organizing squatters; they now organize tenants who want to cooperatively buy their properties into limited equity cooperatives, where resale prices are set by a board of tenants, usually below market rents. Most recently UHAB purchased a Bronx building in collaboration with a group of tenants.
Yet, for most New Yorkers, the term “squatter” mostly persists in service of the myth that NYC has extraordinarily lenient tenant laws and anyone can essentially steal an apartment building by hanging out for long enough. Extreme cases of scammers and grifters, some of whom get “true crime” style longreads in the country’s few remaining prestige magazines, have hardened the imaginations of both renters and landlords. But several high profile tabloid cases of “squatters” that went viral a few years ago turned out to be tenants exercising their legally-protected right to withhold rent if the their housing is uninhabitable. In reality, the theft of housing is almost invariably top-down and goes unenforced and unremarked upon. It consists of illegal lockouts, illegal rent hikes on stabilized units and rampant harassment.
The association of the word “squatter” with freeloader is ironic given its origins. The term “squatter” first entered the American legal lexicon to refer to American settlers building homes on unceded indigenous land that was not yet legally within the scope of the American project, in the hopes of getting eventual legal access to that land.
As Robert Nichols writes in Theft is Property!, the early colonial life of the United States saw irreconcilable conflict between European conceptions of private property and Indigenous tribal understandings of land. In order to steal land from the native peoples of the Americas, settlers introduced the concept of private property, granted those property “rights” to native people forcibly or deceptively and then transferred the newly-privatized property to settler hands, introducing the idea of theft to create property. The American legal system did little to reign them in and police were often sympathetic.
This also points to the tension inherent in the framework of American squatter’s movements. The legal grey area that allowed squatters in the 1970’s to claim rights to the property they were inhabiting came from the same law that enabled colonial “squatting” as ethnic cleansing: the 1862 Homestead Act, which allowed American citizens living on unceded indigenous territory to take legal possession of land they stole if they put in the labor of building their own homes. It led to the theft and privatization of 270 million acres of indigenous land. The organized squatters movements of the latter 20th century, by contrast, focused on buildings in disuse and intentionally attempted to point out to the contradiction of surplus land and capital during a time when there was little habitable private rentals. But the city, in some of its policy responses, essentially tried to formalize the squats as private property and offer them to their occupants rather than using it as an opportunity to create new public housing or community-owned housing.
One last thing I’ll add is Mike Davis’s critique “self-help housing,” the founding philosophy of groups like UHAB, and the romanticization of squatting. So-called “self-help housing” was popularized by an anarchist named John Turner who was inspired by self-built homes on the urban periphery in the global south, ie. slums. Turner saw these constructions as hopeful and worth emulating. Apparently, the World Bank felt the same way and began funding programs for people to build and own their own homes in the 1980s,called sites and services.
To Mike Davis, NGOs swooping in and formalizing squats and encouraging residents to put in so-called “sweat equity” to build their own dwellings was a global neoliberal trend that justified state disinvestment and deterred collective ownership. He criticized the World Bank’s attraction to the idea of self help as destructive, as it led to millions of dollars of loans doled out to developers and NGOs and mostly resulted in privatized land, gentrification, and a broader remit for the World Bank’s neoliberal policies. (To be fair, according to one researcher, Turner was also opposed to the World Bank’s approach.)
According to Davis, writing in his 2005 book Planet of Slums: “Praising the praxis of the poor became a smokescreen for reneging upon historic state commitments to relieve poverty and homelessness.” Davis said that the “golden age” for squatting had long passed by 1990, as most of the available land outside urban centers had been usurped or influenced by developers.
So what to make of recent excavations of NYC’s squatter movements? I think there is always a tension when romanticizing histories of mutual aid as they flourish within, and point directly to organized abandonment. NYC’s squatters movements are no different. But it is hard to ignore the contradictions that were highlighted by these squatter’s movements: the city preferred to send tanks to the door of abandoned buildings than pay for them to be fixed or pay peoples’ rents, and publicizing that embarrassment provided leverage for negotiations. Even if most of the squats were evicted, it matters when the adults in the room figuratively trip over their own shoelaces while the wretched of the earth still manage to move with dignity.
Recommended Reading
Sam Stein, author of Capital City is one of the contemporary writers on housing whose thinking and insights I’ve found valuable. Here he is in Jewish Currents describing the bind that Mayor-elect Zohran Mamdani finds himself: not only is he kneecapped by the outgoing mayor, the governor and the president, but the city’s tax base is largely fueled by property taxes and real estate speculation; the same speculation that is responsible for infinitely rising rents, evictions and spiking homelessness.
This piece on Dropsite News: Trump, Gaza and Oslo Déja Vu is very long, but it’s as good of an analysis as any Western news site is going to perform of what the Palestinian politics of Gaza and the West Bank look like: widespread distrust of the Palestinian Authority and Mahmoud Abbas and extra-legal attempts to exclude militant resistant groups from the democratic polity at U.S. and Israel’s behest, even as Israel continues its genocide and encourages waves of terror by settler militias.
This piece by Panashe Chigumadzi, The Land Question, in Boston Review is also very long (I read it in two sittings, one of which was a bus trip) that breaks down the problem with “Apartheid” as a lense to look at settler colonial projects. Chigumadzi points out that South African Apartheid was the concluding chapter of a more than 300 year long settler-colonial project and that by using a Western liberal “rights-based” framework to end it, the colonial state was never truly dismantled. Chigumadzi believes the Apartheid lense also erases the Trans-Atlantic slave trade as foundational to colonization in Africa. As someone who is curious about South African history but doesn’t know much beyond the big sweeping overview I appreciated this read.
Music I’m Listening To:
Amel Larrieux - Morning
Blood Orange - Essex Honey
What I’m Reading:
Alejandro Varela, The People Who Report More Stress
R.F. Kuang, The Poppy War
charlie jane anders, Six Months, Three Days, Five Others
Post Credits Scene:
Happy Holidays: House of Tomorrow Will Return in 2026 (Ominous)
This newsletter will be released more frequently next year, with more essays and analysis as well as Q&A’s with authors. I’m still working out the frequency as my paid freelance journalism takes up most of my week. The overarching theme of this blog (I’m going to call it a blog) will be housing, land, food sovereignty, energy and people resisting various imperialisms. I will also continue to tell you what books I’m reading and what music I’m listening to.
If that sounds like something you want to support you can always sign up for a paid subscription. Any amount helps as I find spare time to build out House of Tomorrow as its own project in the first half of next year.
Happy holidays and blessings for 2026